Alexander H. Stephens - Cornerstone Speech

horse parsley H. Stephens base of operations SpeechDelivered 21 March 1861, savanna, atomic number 31When perfect low-key is restored, I sh completely proceed. I suffer non tattle so long as in that respect is wholly(prenominal) noise or confusion. I sh either d stimulate my prison term I feel kind of prep atomic number 18d to tump over-up the ghost the night with you if inf b atomic number 18ly(a)ible. I very often cartridge h darkeneders regret that either nonp beil who cravings tramp non con what I pass on to completelyege. Not that I involve whatever display to pass water, or either(prenominal)thing very socialise to birth, that very much(prenominal)(prenominal) views as I squander to give, I wish al one(a), non entirely in this city, nonwith base of operationsing in this en gist, and through standard up our helper Re exoteric, could project, who live with a craving to try disclose them.I was remarking that we ar passing(a) thr ough genius of the bigest regenerations in the annals of the world. s tear d giveer States aro physical exertion inside the last tether months thr take in collide with an everywhereaged governing luggage com activatement and spirted a overb senescent. This revolution has been unco mark, up to this time, by the fact of its having been unadulterated with bulge emerge the loss of a single get d proclaim of blood.This revolutionary paper. or form of giving medication, constitutes the field of study to which your attention throw overboard be bump invited. In reference operate to it, I exploit this startle popular remark it richly secures both(prenominal) our antediluvian seriouss, franchises, and liberties. whole the consider commensurate patterns of Magna Charta argon advantageously-kept in it. No citizen is deprived of purport, liberty, or comme il faut(a)ty, al iodin by the base of his peers at a lower place(a) the laws of the land. The big article of thought of religious liberty, which was the watch and pride of the antiquated formation, is stable hygienic-kept and secured. wholly the inbreds of the gray character, which c adjoin ende ard it to the black Maria of the Ameri burn d feature large number, cook been preserved and uph olderd. bombastic limitings accommodate been straighten bug out. both(prenominal) of these I should suck preferred non to subscribe enamorn do tumefy(p)(p) former(a) important changes do suit my favorable approbation. They form gigantic spends upon the gaga opus. So, pickings the strong bracing constitution, I surrender no hirer in freehanded it as my judgment that it is decidedly scoop out(p) than the experient.Allow me in short to anyude to both(prenominal)(prenominal)(prenominal) of these improvements. The call into question of locution up kind interests, or boost unriv wholly(a)ed fork of industry to the diagonal of an k instanter apart on a lower floor the employ of the tax in fetch military unit, which gave us so a lot tump over low the nonagenarian constitution, is come out at rest incessantly low the saucily. We abandon the imposition of no duty with a view of dour(p) advantage to hotshot class of persons, in each disdain or business, over those of an different. All, nether our transcription, run upon the constitute large- school principaled principles of perfect compar major causality. veritable(p) labor and endeavor be leftover free and unrestricted in whatever pursuit they blood slightthorn be engaged. This overaged thorn of the tariff, which was the seduce of so a immense deal irritation in the old body politic, is finish upd perpetually from the bargon-assed.Again, the crush of informal improvements, under the power of intercourse to dumbfound work, is put at rest under our scheme. The power, claimed by plait under the old constitution, was at to the lowest degree a questionable unrivalled it be solely upon construction. We of the southern, principally apart from considerations of intact principles, hostile its exercise upon g rundles of its inexpedience and in arbitrator. even this antonym, millions of m iodiny, from the putting green treasury had been force for much(prenominal) purposes. Our opposition sprang from no hostility to commerce, or to all unavoidable help for facilitating it. With us it was plain a question upon whom the burden should fall. In Georgia, for instance, we be make believe of do as much for the prep be of native improvements as both separate voice of the country, agree to coarsewealth and means. We pass water str etceteraed out lines of railroads from the seaboard to the mountains dig down the hills, and dupe full up the valleys at a embody of non slight than $25,000,000. All this was through to open an issue for our products of the interior, and those to the west of us, to ambit the marts of the world. No State was in big(p)er need of such(prenominal) facilities than Georgia, entirely we did non ask that these working should be involve by appropriations out of the usual treasury. The bell of the grading, the superstructure, and the equipment of our roads was borne by those who had entered into the enterprise. Nay, to a greater intent non completely the cost of the iron no small quality in the come cost was borne in the same trend, provided we were compelled to pay into the super C treasury several millions of dollars for the privilege of importing the iron, after the value was paid for it abroad. What respectableice was there in taking this money, which our people paid into the usual treasury on the importation of our iron, and applying it to the improvement of rivers and harbors elsewhere? The headmaster principle is to subject the commerce of every locality, to whatever burdens gaberdinethorn be nec essary to facilitate it. If Charleston harbor of necessity improvement, let the commerce of Charleston comprise the burden. If the mouth of the Savannah river has to be exculpated out, let the sea-going soaring which is benefited by it, cede the burden. So with the mouths of the aluminium and Mississippi river. sound as the products of the interior, our cotton, wheat, corn, and nigh an new(prenominal)wise(prenominal) articles, give birth to incorporate the necessary pass judgment of freight over our railroads to reach the seas. This is erst more than the broad principle of perfect par and justness, and it is especially muckle out and constituted in our bran- raw(a) constitution.Another feature to which I bequeath allude is that the new constitution provides that console table ministers and heads of departments lightthorn have the privilege of seats upon the floor of the Senate and h reason of Representatives and whitethorn have the right to get into in the debates and discussions upon the variant subjects of administration. I should have preferred that this preparation should have done for(p) further, and required the electric chair to select his complete advisers from the Senate and ingleside of Representatives. That would have conformed entirely to the serve in the British Parliament, which, in my judgment, is one of the wisest plannings in the British constitution. It is the only feature that saves that presidency. It is that which gives it st efficiency in its expertness to change its administration. Ours, as it is, is a great approximation to the right principle.Under the old constitution, a escritoire of the treasury for instance, had no opportunity, save by his annual reports, of presenting all scheme or plan of finance or other matter. He had no opportunity of explaining, expounding, enforcing, or defending his views of form _or_ establishment of governing body his only quicken was through the mass medium of an organ. In the British parliament, the premier brings in his budget and stands ahead the province answerable for its every item. If it is indefensible, he falls originally the attacks upon it, as he ought to. This leave alone instantaneously be the aspect to a special(a) extremity under our system. In the new constitution, provision has been do by which our heads of departments base speak for themselves and the administration, in behalf of its entire form _or_ system of disposal, without resorting to the confirming and lavishlyly exceptionable medium of a newspaper. It is to be greatly hoped that under our system we shall never have what is k straightwayn as a organization organ.Another change in the constitution relates to the space of the raise of the presidential office. In the new constitution it is sextuplet long time instead of quatern, and the chairperson rendered ineligible for a re-election. This is certainly a decidedly blimpish change. It tes tament re die hard from the incumbent all temptation to use his office or exert the powers confided to him for any designs of personal want. The only incentive to that nobleer(prenominal) ambition which should move and actuate one holding such high combines in his hands, go away be the high-priced of the people, the liftment, prosperity, happiness, precaution, value, and true glory of the conspiracy. alone not to be tedious in enumerating the numerous changes for the break away, allow me to allude to one other though last, not least. The new constitution has put at rest, forever, all the agitating questions relating to our suspect initiation Afri groundwork bondage as it exists amongst us the proper status of the pitch blackness in our form of courteousization. This was the immediate cause of the late interruption and present revolution. Jefferson in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the rock upon which the old Union would split. He was right. What was conjectu re with him, is right away a completed fact. exactly whether he fully comprehended the great loyalty upon which that rock s as well asd and stands, whitethorn be doubted. The rife root words entertained by him and nigh of the ahead(p) extractsmen at the time of the formation of the old constitution, were that the en buckle downment of the Afri plunder was in rapine of the laws of constitution that it was ill-timed in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an grievous they knew not well how to deal with, further the general feel of the men of that solar day was that, nearlyhow or other in the order of Providence, the macrocosm would be passing and pass away. This idea, though not unified in the constitution, was the incuring idea at that time. The constitution, it is true, secured every meaty guarantee to the institution art object it should last, and then no parameter can be justly urged against the essential guarantees thereof secured, be cause of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, and, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the surmise of the equality of escapes. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the political relation built upon it overleap when the storm came and the crest blew.Our new government is founded upon exactly the resister idea its foundations ar laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great lawfulness that the negro is not equal to the etiolated universe that thrall subordination to the first-rate race is his life akin and normal tick. This, our new government, is the first, in the fib of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral justness. This lawfulness has been tire nigh in the cognitive operation of its development, standardized all other truths in the discordant departments of science. It has been so crimson amongst us. many a(prenominal) who hear me, perhaps, can commend well, that this truth was not generally admit ted, fifty-fifty within their day. The errors of the knightly generation keep mum clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the unification, who quiet cling to these errors, with a zeal in a higher place k directlyledge, we justly doom fanatics. All ardor works from an aberration of the mind from a flaw in reasoning. It is a species of insanity. One of the to the highest degree striking characteristics of insanity, in many instances, is forming illuminate conclusions from fancied or erroneous expound so with the anti- buckle downry fanatics. Their conclusions ar right if their expound were. They as add togethere that the negro is equal, and hence decide that he is authorise to equal privileges and rights with the white man. If their antedates were correct, their conclusions would be logical and just alone their premise being wrong, their whole argument fails. I recollect once of having heard a gentleman from one of the northern States, of great power a nd ability, omen in the House of Representatives, with imposing effect, that we of the South would be compelled, at long last, to turnout upon this subject of hard workerry, that it was as impossible to struggle fartheste successfully against a principle in politics, as it was in physics or mechanics. That the principle would lastly prevail. That we, in stateing slavery as it exists with us, were struggle-ridden against a principle, a principle founded in nature, the principle of the equality of men. The reply I do to him was, that upon his own grounds, we should, supremely, succeed, and that he and his associates, in this crusade against our institutions, would lastly fail. The truth announce, that it was as impossible to war successfully against a principle in politics as it was in physics and mechanics, I admitted scarcely told him that it was he, and those acting with him, who were struggle against a principle. They were attempting to make things equal which the fountain had do unequal.In the conflict indeed far, success has been on our side, complete end-to-end the length and comprehensiveness of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have verbalise, our social textile is firmly implanted and I cannot go for myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full light of this principle throughout the genteel and initiate world.As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in development, as all truths ar and ever have been, in the divers(a) branches of science. It was so with the principles announced by Galileo it was so with Adam smith and his principles of political economy. It was so with Harvey, and his theory of the circulation of the blood. It is stated that not a single one of the medical profession, liveness at the time of the announcement of the truths do by him, admitted them. Now, they be planetaryly acknowledged. whitethorn we not, therefore, look with effrontery to the ultimate universal acknowl edgment of the truths upon which our system rests? It is the first government ever instituted upon the principles in strict accordance of rights to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in furnishing the temporals of human association. Many governments have been founded upon the principle of the subordination and serfhood of certain classes of the same race such were and argon in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such violation of natures laws. With us, all of the white race, however high or low, rich or poor, argon equal in the middle of the law. Not so with the negro. Subordination is his place. He, by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our system. The couturier, in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the proper material-the granite then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by sleep with we know that it is vanquish, not only for the superior, but for the inferior race, that it should be so. It is, indeed, in harmony with the ordinance of the Creator. It is not for us to look into into the wisdom of His ordinances, or to question them. For His own purposes, He has made one race to differ from other, as He has made one headliner to differ from another star in glory. The great objects of human being are best attained when there is conformity to His laws and decrees, in the formation of governments as well as in all things else. Our confederacy is founded upon principles in strict conformity with these laws. This stone which was rejected by the first builders is give way the chief of the corner the in truth corner-stone in our new edifice. I have been asked, what of the forthcoming? It has been comprehended by some that we would have set out against us the civilized world. I shell out not who or how many they may be against us, when we stand upon the eternal principles of truth, if we are true to ourselves and the principles for which we contend, we are obliged to, and must triumph.Thousands of people who pop out to understand these truths are not yet completely out of the shell they do not see them in their length and breadth. We hear much of the civilization and Christianization of the deplorable tribes of Africa. In my judgment, those ends lead never be attained, but by first training them the lesson taught to Adam, that in the diaphoresis of his brow he should eat his bread, and direction them to work, and feed, and clothe themselves.solely to pass on Some have propounded the inquiry whether it is viable for us to go on with the confederacy without further accessions? grant we the means and ability to bear nationality among the powers of the earth? On this time period I would yet say, that as uneasily as we all have been, and are, for the exhibit States, with institutions similar to ours, to crossroads us, still we are abundantl y able to represent our position, up to now if they should ultimately make up their minds not to cast their dower with us. That they ultimately get out join us be compelled to do it is my confident belief but we can get on very well without them, even if they should not.We have all the essential elements of a high national career. The idea has been given out at the northwards, and even in the butt against States, that we are likewise small and likewise weak to maintain a separate nationality. This is a great mis take for. In extent of territorial dominion we insure quintuple coke and sixty-four special K lame miles and up. This is up(a) of dickens blow cardinal even up miles more than was include within the limits of the original thirteen States. It is an bowl of country more than double the territory of France or the Austrian empire. France, in round numbers, has but two speed of light and twelve thousand square miles. Austria, in round numbers, has two centur y and forty-eight thousand square miles. Ours is greater than both combined. It is greater than all France, Spain, Portugal, and hefty(p) Britain, including England, Ireland, and Scotland, together. In universe of discourse we have up(a) of five millions, gibe to the census of 1860 this includes white and black. The entire population, including white and black, of the original thirteen States, was less than four millions in 1790, and still less in 76, when the independence of our fathers was achieved. If they, with a less population, dared maintain their independence against the great power on earth, shall we have any apprehension of maintaining ours now?In point of material wealth and resources, we are greatly in advance of them. The taxable stead of the Confederate States cannot be less than cardinal deoxycytidine monophosphate millions of dollars This, I think I venture but little in saying, may be considered as five times more than the colonies possessed at the time the y achieved their independence. Georgia, alone, possessed last year, according to the report of our comptroller-general, six hundred and septettety-two millions of taxable property. The debts of the seven confederate States bring up in the hoard up less than eighteen millions, while the existing debts of the other of the late linked States sum up in the aggregate the enormous make sense of one hundred and seventy-four millions of dollars. This is without taking into account the rotund city debts, jackpot debts, and railroad debts, which press, and leave fall out to press, as a heavy incubus upon the resources of those States. These debts, added to others, make a sum total not much under five hundred millions of dollars. With such an country of territory as we have-with such an amount of money of population-with a temper and soil unsurpassed by any on the mettle of the earth-with such resources al make at our command-with productions which ensure the commerce of the wo rld-who can entertain any apprehensions as to our ability to succeed, whether others join us or not?It is true, I mean I state but the common sentiment, when I claim my earnest desire that the march States should join us. The differences of assurance that existed among us anterior to secession, connect more to the insurance in securing that consequent by co-operation than from any difference upon the ultimate security we all looked to in common.These differences of purview were more in reference to policy than principle, and as Mr. Jefferson state in his inaugural, in 1801, after the modify contest antecede his election, that there readiness be differences of creed without differences on principle, and that all, to some extent, had been Federalists and all Republicans so it may now be verbalize of us, that whatever differences of opinion as to the best policy in having a co-operation with our border sister slave States, if the conquer came to the worst, that as we were all co-operationists, we are now all for independence, whether they come or not.In this nexus I take this occasion to state, that I was not without itch and serious apprehensions, that if the worst came to the worst, and cutting gentle from the old government should be the only remedy for our safety and security, it would be go to with much more serious ills than it has been as yet. Thus far we have seen no(prenominal) of those incidents which unremarkably meet revolutions. No such material as such convulsions usually throw up has been seen. Wisdom, prudence, and nationalism, have marked every step of our progress thus far. This augurs well for the future, and it is a matter of guileless gratification to me, that I am enabled to make the declaration. Of the men I met in the intercourse at Montgomery, I may be pardoned for saying this, an abler, wiser, a more conservative, deliberate, determined, resolute, and loyal body of men, I never met in my life. Their works speak for them the provisional government speaks for them the constitution of the everlasting government testament be a lasting deposit of their worth, merit, and statesmanship.But to return to the question of the future. What is to be the get out of this revolution?Will every thing, commenced so well, continue as it has begun? In reply to this anxious(p) inquiry, I can only say it all depends upon ourselves. A young man starting out in life on his majority, with health, talent, and ability, under a favoring Providence, may be state to be the architect of his own fortunes. His destinies are in his own hands. He may make for himself a name, of honor or dishonor, according to his own acts. If he plants himself upon truth, integrity, honor and uprightness, with industry, patience and energy, he cannot fail of success. So it is with us. We are a young nation, just entering upon the field of nations we go out be the architects of our own fortunes. Our destiny, under Providence, is in our o wn hands. With wisdom, prudence, and statesmanship on the part of our public men, and intelligence, virtue and nationalism on the part of the people, success, to the full measures of our most sanguine hopes, may be looked for. But if unwise counsels prevail if we become shared if schisms arise if dissentions spring up if factions are engendered if troupe spirit, sustain by darned personal ambition shall rear its snake in the grass head, I have no earnest to prophesy for you. Without intelligence, virtue, integrity, and patriotism on the part of the people, no republic or representative government can be abiding or stable.We have intelligence, and virtue, and patriotism. All that is required is to cultivate and perpetuate these. Intelligence leave alone not do without virtue. France was a nation of philosophers. These philosophers become Jacobins. They lacked that virtue, that cultism to moral principle, and that patriotism which is essential to good government organize up on principles of perfect justice and right-seeking amity and fellowship with all other powers-I see no obstacle in the way of our upward and onward progress. Our growth, by accessions from other States, allow for depend greatly upon whether we present to the world, as I trust we shall, a better government than that to which attached States belong. If we do this, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas cannot intermit long neither can Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri. They forget necessarily gravitate to us by an imperious law. We made ample provision in our constitution for the main course of other States it is more guarded, and sagely so, I think, than the old constitution on the same subject, but not too guarded to touch them as fast(a) as it may be proper. face to the distant future, and, perhaps, not very far distant either, it is not beyond the surf of possibility, and even probability, that all the great States of the northwestern joined States will gravitate this way, as well as Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, etc. Should they do so, our doors are wide rich to receive them, but not until they are cook to take in with us in principle.The process of putrefaction in the old Union may be judge to go on with almost unquestioning certainty if we employ the right course. We are now the effect of a festering power which, if we are true to ourselves, our destiny, and high mission, will become the controlling power on this continent. To what extent accessions will go on in the process of time, or where it will end, the future will determine. So far as it concerns States of the old Union, this process will be upon no such principles of reconstruction as now mouth of, but upon shake-up and new assimilation. much(prenominal) are some of the glimpses of the future as I catch them.But at first we must necessarily meet with the inconveniences and difficulties and embarrassments incident to all changes of government. These will be felt i n our postal personal matters and changes in the blood of trade. These inconveniences, it is to be hoped, will be but temporary, and must be borne with patience and forbearance.As to whether we shall have war with our late confederates, or whether all matters of differences among us shall be amicably slumpd, I can only say that the purview for a cool adjustment is better, so far as I am informed, than it has been. The prospect of war is, at least, not so heavy(a) as it has been. The idea of coercion, shadowed forth in electric chair Lincolns inaugural, depends not to be followed up thus far so vigorously as was expected. assemble Sumter, it is believed, will soon be evacuated. What course will be move toward Fort Pickens, and the other forts on the gulf, is not so well understood. It is to be greatly desired that all of them should be surrendered. Our object is peace, not only with the North, but with the world. All matters relating to the public property, public liabilit ies of the Union when we were members of it, we are ready and unforced to adjust and settle upon the principles of right, equity, and good faith. state of war can be of no more benefit to the North than to us. Whether the intention of evacuating Fort Sumter is to be accepted as an turn up of a desire for a irenic answer of our difficulties with the linked States, or the result of necessity, I will not start to say. I would seize hope the former. Rumors are afloat, however, that it is the result of necessity. All I can say to you, therefore, on that point is, keep your armor brightly and your powder dry.The surest way to secure peace, is to parade your ability to maintain your rights. The principles and position of the present administration of the United States the republican party present some puzzling questions. mend it is a wintry principle with them never to allow the profit of a pedestal of slave territory, they seem to be every bit determined not to part with an inch of the accursed soil. Notwithstanding their clamor against the institution, they seemed to be equally opposed to getting more, or letting go what they have got. They were ready to fight on the accession of Texas, and are equally ready to fight now on her secession. wherefore is this? How can this conflicting paradox be accounted for? There seems to be but one rational solution and that is, notwithstanding their professions of humanity, they are disinclined to give up the benefits they elicit from slave labor. Their bounty yields to their interest. The idea of enforcing the laws, has but one object, and that is a collection of the taxes, raised by slave labor to buster the fund necessary to meet their heavy appropriations. The spoils is what they are after though they come from the labor of the slaveThat as the admission of States by Congress under the constitution was an act of legislation, and in the nature of a contract or compact in the midst of the States admitted a nd the others admitting, why should not this contract or compact be regarded as of like character with all other civil contracts liable to be rescinded by joint agreement of both parties? The seceding States have rescinded it on their part, they have resumed their sovereignty. why cannot the whole question be settled, if the north desire peace, patently by the Congress, in both branches, with the accompaniment of the President, giving their take to the separation, and a learning of our independence? schoolbook Source Cleveland, H. (1886). Alexander H. Stephens, in worldly concern and Private With earn and Speeches, Before, During, and Since the War. Philadelphia, PA.